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July 21st, 2008 | #1 | |
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Dr. Joseph Goebbels-speeches, essays, etc...
The brains of the Nazi Machine!
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July 21st, 2008 | #2 |
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"Isidor," Der Angriff. Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1935), pp. 308-310.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Isidor by Joseph Goebbels -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- My name is Hase [Hase, German for rabbit, but also an ignoramus]. I live in the forest and don't know anything about anything. I keep out of everything. I am, one might say, politically neutral. When it is to my advantage, I can believe anything, though the facts are best. The facts are mostly wonderful. I am of the opinion that the far right and the far left must be banned. The center, of course, is out of the question. As I said, that's my opinion. I am a realist. That is comfortable, it has few dangers, and one can make a living. But assume I didn't live in the forest any more, but in China. Some kind of fortune or misfortune has brought me there. Let's assume that. Now that would be terribly unpleasant. For in China, as is well known, everyone is Chinese, even the emperor. I would stand out. My name is Hase, and I look like a German. One would be able to recognize me immediately. Why, even the children would stand stock still in the street and call out "That's Hase." But I would know what to do. I would grow a long pigtail and stop looking like a German. I would give up my honorable name Schmidt and rename myself "Wukiutschu." That's what I'd do. And if someone still called me "Hase," I would be very angry. Let's assume, then, that I live in Shanghai and my father still lives in the forest. I wouldn't say anything about the forest to anyone. Just the opposite! I would behave as if we had lived for generations in Shanghai, no matter how much others wanted to doubt it. And then, let's assume that by accident the police chief of Shanghai dies. And that all the Chinese shout "Wukiutschu should be our leader!" I would then somehow be the police chief of Shanghai. It's nice to be the police chief. One has the power to do what one wants. That is, if others let one get away with it. But they must! If they were dumb enough to say "Wukiutschu should lead us!" then they have to be satisfied with me. And if someone weren't satisfied, I'd take action, since there are always malcontents. I would therefore decree: "It is forbidden to be dissatisfied!" Wukiutschu And I would rule. I know that it wouldn't be as simple as it looks. For people would come and say: "What does Wukiutschu want? He isn't even one of our people." Wukiutschu is really named Hase and lives in the forest. He has sneaked in here. We've been here on Chinese soil a thousand years and more. Our fathers made this land livable and defended it with their lives. Back then Wukiutschu still lived in the forest, but now he behaves as if he had always lived here. Down with him! China for the Chinese!" That would naturally be most unpleasant for me. For if one cut my pigtail off, any child could see that these people were right. But that wouldn't happen. I would be the police chief after all, and as such have a right to respect. So I'd make another decree: "Whoever calls me Hase is inciting class warfare. I forbid it, under penalty of imprisonment." Wukiutschu Then I would have peace. I would rest in the glory of my office. I'd be fanned by Chinese coolies, receive ocean flyers, and attend every banquet. My pigtail would grow longer and longer, and I would soon forget that I once was named Hase. And the malcontents would die, and then the world would be content. Only then would life be beautiful and dignified. I am the pathfinder for that. One only has to know nothing like me in order to believe it firmly and unshakably. But, as we said, this is all supposition. For the Chinese would never be dumb enough to believe that I was Wukiutschu and to name me police chief. Such stupid people don't exist. It is all nothing but a fairy tale. I am not Chinese and I don't live in Shanghai. My name isn't Wukiutschu, but Hase. I live in the forest and don't know anything. |
July 21st, 2008 | #3 |
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Heil Moskau!", Der Angriff. Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1935), pp. 236-238.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Hail Moscow! by Joseph Goebbels -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Following the celebration of the ten year anniversary of the Russian Revolution, three young Berlin communists from the Köpernick district committed suicide after they had taken a touching farewell from their comrades. They explained calmly that they had lost faith in the future of the Internationale. It is said of Ernst Thälmann, the communist leader, that during the Hamburg uprising he laid stone drunk in his own vomit. In Berlin-Wedding a few weeks ago, Ruth Fischer spoke at a meeting of the KPD opposition, calling for a fight against the Third Internationale. When a representative of the KPD began to speak he was shouted down by his former comrades and thrown out the door. The affair ended in a general melee. The tenth anniversary of the Russian Revolution was recently celebrated in Moscow. As the honored guests from the entire world who had gathered to praise Moscow's principles watched, the opposition to the workers' and peasants' state stormed the gathering and took over the university. The end of the story: twelve leading Bolshevists, nearly all Jews of the old guard, were expelled from the Communist Party. What does this all mean? Things are becoming clear all over. The smoke of rhetoric is vanishing, and all that remains is a miserable remnant of fantasies that absolutely no one confuses with reality. The German proletariat is one hope poorer, perhaps its last one. Marx's game is over. Nature is in charge once again, and it has made the eternal laws pitilessly and unmistakably clear: the laws of personality, struggle and race. Did things have to turn out this way? Yes, a thousand times yes. There was no other possible outcome. We have it prophesied a hundred times. If the Jews speak, the people must beware. The Jew is rootless, a ferment of decomposition. Whether he lives as a capitalist or a Bolshevist, his nature remains the same: Ahasver, the eternal destroyer. His gospel is chaos, and where he succeeds in fomenting revolution, he rises to the top. He brought the worker's movement to its present deplorable state: a mixture of phrases, cowardice, terror and class hatred. What does the cause of the proletariat have to do with pacifism, protection of the republic, the elimination of personality and the destruction of national dignity and honor? Where is it written that utopias, wishes, programs and books rule the world instead of strength and the facts? Why do you demonstrate here for the national freedom of the oppressed colonial peoples, yet forget that Germany is a province of high finance? Why shout "China for the Chinese," yet stand by in cowardice as the Jews sell Germany piece by piece and turn it over to the world dictatorship? You cry "Reaction" when one speaks of a lost fatherland. You smell treason when one names things by their right names. You retreat stubbornly and silently to your own troubles, and find that nothing remains but desperation and suicide. Do not say that the First, Second or Third Internationale is responsible! Found a new one, a Fourth! It will betray you just as its three predecessors did. The Internationale itself is in error. It is thought out, not lived. The Jew preaches it to you because it is his last chance to hold power. It has destroyed nations and peoples. It sets citizen against citizen, destroys and poisons the community, sows mistrust between the peoples. Above it all is the triumphant mocking laughter of your enemy, of our enemy: The eternal Jew! You stand over hecatombs of corpses. The scent of blood surrounds you. Children beg, mothers weep, nations perish! What have you gained: Nothing but chaos, hopeless, hunger and desperation! It that the way you want things to remain? Stand up and demand a Germany that belongs to you, one that is free of the chains of the oppressor. This is the historic mission of the German working class. Freedom and prosperity! This is the war cry against the rotting world of capitalism! Away with the empty rhetoric! Risk looking cold reality in the face. Hold out your hand, German working men! The day of freedom is coming, if only you want it! Adolf Hitler is showing you the way! |
July 21st, 2008 | #4 |
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Der Angriff. Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1935), pp. 71-73.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Why Do We Want to Join the Reichstag? by Joseph Goebbels -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- We are an anti-parliamentarian party that rejects for good reasons the Weimar constitution and its republican institutions. We oppose a fake democracy that treats the intelligent and the foolish, the industrious and the lazy in the same way. We see in the present system of majorities and organized irresponsibility the main cause of our steadily increasing miseries. So why do we want to be in the Reichstag? We enter the Reichstag to arm ourselves with democracy's weapons. If democracy is foolish enough to give us free railway passes and salaries, that is its problem. It does not concern us. Any way of bringing about the revolution is fine by us. If we succeed in getting sixty or seventy of our party's agitators and organizers elected to the various parliaments, the state itself will pay for our fighting organization. That is amusing and entertaining enough to be worth trying. Will we be corrupted by joining parliament? Not likely. Do you believe that once we march into the meeting of the illustrious parliamentarians we will propose a toast to Philipp Scheidemann? Do you think us such miserable revolutionaries that you fear that the thick red carpets and the well upholstered sleeping halls will make us forget our historical mission? He who enters parliament perishes! Well, that is true if he enters parliament to become a parliamentarian. But if he enters with a tough and driving will to carry on an uncompromising battle against the growing corruption of our public life, he will not become a parliamentarian, rather will remain what he is: a revolutionary. Mussolini entered parliament. Shortly afterward, he marched on Rome with his Black Shirts. The communists also sit in the Reichstag. No one is naive enough to believe that they want to work seriously and positively. One more thing: If we do not succeed in making our dangerous men immune to legal prosecution, they will all find themselves behind bars sooner or later. Will that happen if they possess parliamentary immunity? Certainly. When democracy is near its end it will resort openly to the terror of capitalistic dictatorship that it ordinarily uses covertly. But that will not happen for some time, and in the meanwhile the fighters for our faith will enjoy parliamentary immunity long enough to broaden our fighting front such that shutting them up will not be as easy as democracy would like it to be. Another thing. Our party's agitators pay 600 to 800 Marks a month [in travel costs] to strengthen the Republic. Is it not proper for the Republic to cover these costs by providing them with railroad passes? Who of you thinks that we should throw our own small change to the Jewish Dawes railroad when the Republic longs to help us out? Is it the beginning of a compromise? Do you really think that we who have stood before you a hundred or a thousand times preaching faith in a new Germany, who have smilingly faced death dozens of times from the red mob, who have joined you in battling every form of resistance whether of official or nonofficial nature, who have bent before no command or terror, do you really think that we would lay down our weapons in exchange for a railroad pass? If we only wanted to become representatives, we would not be National Socialists, rather I suppose German National Party members or Social Democrats. They have the most seats at their disposal and one does not need to risk one's life to compete with their leading lights. We do not have the stomach for that. We do not beg for votes. We demand conviction, devotion, passion! A vote is only a tool for us as well as for you. We will march into the marble halls of parliament, bringing with us the revolutionary will of the broad masses from which we came, called by fate and forming fate. We do not want to join this pile of manure. We are coming to shovel it out. Do not believe that parliament is our goal. We have shown the enemy our nature from the podiums of our mass meetings and in the enormous demonstrations of our brown army. We will show it as well in the leaden atmosphere of parliament. We are coming neither as friends or neutrals. We come as enemies! As the wolf attacks the sheep, so come we. You are not among your friends any longer! You will not enjoy having us among you! |
July 21st, 2008 | #5 |
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"Mich willst du wählen?", Der Angriff. Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1935), pp. 74-76.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- And You Really Want to Vote for Me? by Joseph Goebbels -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- A citizen second class, with four convictions and eight pending cases? What a dreamer! In an essay I wrote that each National Socialist should obey the states attorney, "when there isn't any way around it," regardless of whether it was right or wrong. For that a court in Elberfeld fined me a hundred marks for inciting resistance against the state's attorney. When Hans Hustert, in jail for trying to kill Scheidemann [Chancellor in 1922], had his teeth ruined by lousy prison food, I started a collection so that this fiend could get his teeth fixed. A court in Munich fined me 50 marks for an illegal collection. As one of my wounded comrades was going to be trephined by the Jewish doctor Levi, I organized a collection to bring this poor worker to a German doctor. A court in Munich fined me 150 marks, once again for an illegal collection. At a mass meeting of the NSDAP, I suggested keeping an editor of Der Tag under close watch, since he had called a Hitler meeting a monkey house. The filthy fink Carlotto Graetz, who slandered the front soldier Adolf Hitler in the worst ways and tried to connect him with pimps and prostitutes, I called a Jewish pig, in order to force him to bring suit. He didn't sue, but I got six weeks in prison anyway because of "incitement to violence without result." A case is pending against me because I am supposed to have called police chief Dr. Weiss Isidor, though his name is Bernhard. A second case is pending because I caricatured the above named Bernhard Weiss as Nero in Der Angriff, with the caption "Bernhard only plays thankless roles." Then there is a third case, because the Angriff printed a cartoon of Bernhard Weiss behind the mask of a donkey, "clearly recognizable," with the text that "In the state of emergency, any ass can govern." A fourth case is pending to force me to say who Orje is [Orje was the star of an Angriff satirical column]. A fifth pending case alleges that I drove over the leg of a poor worker. Now that was a year ago. I've never driven a car in my life, and on the day in question wasn't even in Berlin. But the state's attorney thinks that the car had the number I A 2637, and I'm just the type to do something like that. My reply that I don't know how to drive and have never had a license only made the charge more serious. I informed a red bigwig, who by irrelevant heckling was trying to break up a meeting, that he was at a NSDAP meeting, and that if he didn't shut up we would forgive the S.A. if, under the law, they threw him out. That led to a sixth pending case, for "incitement to violence." Then I am supposed to have said that the [Weimar] Republic is only a junk shop, in which the bidders, auctioneers, and politicians bitched. That led to the seventh case, for "endangering the Republic." The eighth case resulted because I said the day would come when the goal-conscious, decisive minority would march against this state of cowardly majorities, to put an end by force to usury and exploitation. This one was for "attempted treason." (! !) As I learn from reliable sources, four new cases are in the works. What they concern I don't yet know. But that doesn't make much difference. I only need to open my mouth or use my pen to give a state's attorney of the Republic a month's work. I have never gotten a golden toothpick from Barmat [a Jew involved in a major financial scandal]. I don't wear a silk bathrobe from him. During the great inflation I didn't get any guilders or dollars from him. I have never trampled on the German people or their honor. But I have always fought those cowards who left our common fatherland in need. The subway system will not give me a villa costing 120,000 marks in the foreseeable future. No one has my signed photograph on his desk. Under the conditions existing since 1918, I therefore have no chance of getting anything done. And you really want to vote for me? |
July 21st, 2008 | #6 |
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"Kütemeyer," Der Angriff. Aufsätze aus der Kampfzeit (Munich: Zentralverlag der NSDAP., 1935), pp. 256-259.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Kütemeyer by Joseph Goebbels -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- One day, he walked into the office and asked if there was something he could do. He was unemployed, and he and his wife could barely survive on the dole. He would gladly give his services to the party. He was quiet and shy. He sat down where he was told, saying little at all about his volunteer activity. After four months of diligent labor, the files, which as the result of band and persecutions had fallen into complete chaos, were back in order. He was the first to arrive in the morning and the last to leave at night. About all he said was "good morning" and "good evening." If I happened to walk into his department, he jumped up, stood straight, shook my hand, and was as nervous as a child. "He had been a brave soldier at the front during the war. After the war he was a merchant until he was ruined by inflation. He worked on a farm, but lost his position because of his political convictions. He returned to the city, one of the army of three million unneeded German workers. The night before the Hitler meeting he joined comrades in hanging posters. He was out until dawn, returning dead tired to his apartment. He loyal wife forced him to sleep for three hours. Then he was back to work. His heart is bursting. His pale, haggard face is flushed with excitement, for tonight he will see and hear his Führer for the first time. At five he reports for box office duty at the Sport Hall. As he leaves the office, he asks a comrade: "I wonder who we will bury next?" As I inspected things around 6:30, I saw him at the counter. I do not ever recall hearing him laugh before, but now he did. His face beamed with joy. He yelled something to me, but I could not understand him. At 8:15 the supervisor said: "Kütemeyer, you have not yet heard Hitler. Add things up a minute and get into the hall!" He added the money up. To the penny. 420.40 marks. He got the receipt, then left. He was in the back row, since the hall was filled to overflowing. He stood by the doorway, with tears in his eyes, joining the over 16,000 who rose to sing "Germany, Germany above all, and in time of need more than ever." Who can blame him for being reluctant to return to the reality of his everyday life? He engaged in lively discussion for two hours with his comrades. Then he headed home to join his wife, who had left immediately after the meeting. He was attacked on a street corner. He defended himself. But he was outnumbered 20-1, and they beat him down. His face was smashed into a bloody Ecce Homo, his nose broken, the eyes bloodied, the lips torn. He staggered to a quiet spot on the riverbank, hoping to escape the bloodthirsty mob and perhaps to meet one of his comrades who were also being chased through the streets. A taxi drove through the rain. Filled with red scoundrels. Grinning, the driver stepped on the gas. He was like a wounded animal. A pale man with a bloody face. Go get him! A few blows to the head with a club rendered him unconscious. Throw him over the bank, into the canal! Is he dead already, or is he dying? Someone heard a loud cry for help as the taxi sped away. A German was drowning in the cold, cold water. He was only a worker. Who cares? One of three million. The corpse was found at 6 a.m. They found a party membership card and propaganda leaflet in his pocket. That was all. No money, no dagger, no pistol. Only a piece of paper with Hitler's name on it. The party official who went to the morgue could hardly identify him, so badly was his face beaten in. His wife woke at 4 a.m. She thought she heard her husband shout "Mother, mother!" It was the hour that he died. "Suicide! An accident! Drunk! Drowned!" That is what the newspapers said. The police talked about a regrettable misstep on the riverbank. A fatally injured man falls over a meter high barrier. A man of the Jewish race is at the head of the police. The deceased is nothing but a German worker. The hats are off and the flags are lowered! But only for a moment! Tighten the chinstraps, and begin our revenge on the destroyers of our people. Work, comrades, work! This dead man has a right to demand it of us. |
July 21st, 2008 | #7 |
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July 21st, 2008 | #8 | ||
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July 21st, 2008 | #9 | ||
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-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- We are Voting for Hitler! by Joseph Goebbels -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Adolf Hitler's goal is the union of all Germans. He experienced our people's need not in books, rather as a person born Austrian whose entire earlier life was filled with the longing for a Greater German Reich. Adolf Hitler will give this longing, which today fills 100 million Germans, political reality. Hitler, the Great German Adolf Hitler's goal is to solve the social and labor questions. His knowledge of social need does not come from hearsay. For many years in Vienna and Munich, he had to earn his little daily bread as a simple construction worker. There he came to know the people and the working lass, sharing in their hard lot and their need. He therefore has the right to defend the German working class, wherever it may be. Hitler, the Führer Adolf Hitler, the born mass leader, has as his goal to unify the German people and forge from them unprecedented strength. He works toward this goal not by words and empty phrases, rather by founding the National Socialist German Workers Party, which shows the way. He began in 1919 with six comrades from the front and labor; in 1923, his movement was crushed as it reached for power. Adolf Hitler spent more than a year in prison, founding his old party anew in 1925. Through hard, exhausting and sacrificial struggle he lead the mocked and scorned little sect to the most impressive mass movement in Europe. Hitler, the Prophet In the National Socialist movement, the farmer stands beside the worker, the prince beside the worker, the student next to the front soldier. Millions and millions have joined together under the idea of the German people's community. They want no differences of occupation or class. They have sworn allegiance to the German people and its historic mission. Amidst all the desperate babble of the post-war period, a new political faith came to life. It is based in flowing, sacrificial idealism, without thereby falling prey to some romantic idol. The National Socialist movement is firmly rooted on earth, but its goals reach boldly for the stars. Millions and millions of National Socialists have found in National Socialism new meaning and purpose for their lives. They thank Adolf Hitler and his saving idea that they have not fallen into hopelessness and anarchy, Hitler, the Fighter A man who has the strength and gifts to build a movement of millions from a small sect of seven men, a movement that today already encompasses the largest and best part of the whole German people, will also find a way to unify the entire nation, freeing it from the terrible political, worldview and social contradictions that tear apart and wound our people. The System [the Nazi term for the Weimar Republic] has had 13 years to prove that it does not even recognize the problem, much less solve it. Its policies have divided the people into two classes. The economy is in anarchy, the finances are in a desperate state, and millions and millions of German workers, farmers and the middle class are the victims of this fateful course. Countless people have despaired of the future of the German people and have fallen into hopelessness. But the greater part of the nation has a new will to resist. It wants the German people to rise from blind resignation to a new ideal. That is Adolf Hitler's work! The masses see in him their last hope. For millions, his name has become the bright symbol of the German will for freedom. We want to put Germany's future in the hands of this man. He shows us the way. We are ready to follow him. A new German will to life is rising from shame and disgrace, from collapse and anarchy, and we are its bearers! Hitler, the Reich President He who wishes that everything should stay as it is in Germany gives himself over to despair. We do not mind if he casts his vote for the representatives of this system. But we want everything in Germany to change. He who opposes class struggle and fraternal murder, who is looking for the way out of chaos and confusion, this man will vote for Adolf Hitler! He represents an awakening young German idealism, he is the spokesman for national activism, he is the bearer of the coming economic and social renewal. That is why we cry: Give Adolf Hitler power so that the German people once again receive what is its due. For freedom and bread! |
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July 21st, 2008 | #10 | |
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July 22nd, 2008 | #11 |
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http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=7299961117772537771&q=Goebbels&ei=01iGSO-8NImi-QG03bCYBw
Now for all you fatherless bastard children out there watching a proper German family and their better values might be very disturbing for you, therefore if you have issues and think the Nazi's were all about killing and horror, you might find these home video's very disturbing. http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-8973962176504385280&q=Goebbels&ei=0FmGSPjeMoTY-gHk-MDpCw |
July 24th, 2008 | #12 | |
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July 24th, 2008 | #13 |
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"So much was lost with his passing, so much was lost."
And even worse, it was forgotten, because people chose to. Its all right there..read it..nope, they'd rather obey jewvermin.
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July 25th, 2008 | #14 |
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Thread tagged for reference.
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"Become strong again in spirit, strong in will, strong in endurance, strong to bear all sacrifices" -Adolf Hitler |
August 4th, 2008 | #15 | |
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Joseph Goebbels, "Vorwort," Adolf Hitler. Bilder aus dem Leben des Führers (Hamburg: Cigaretten/Bilderdienst Hamburg/Bahrenfeld, 1936, pp. 7-8.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Forward by Dr. Joseph Goebbels -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Misunderstandings about propaganda are common in the entire world, even in Germany, and difficult to deal with since they are based on deeply rooted prejudices. No better education on the matter can be imagined than that which the German people have enjoyed in the years since the World War. In this relatively short period of time, propaganda became a powerful force in Germany. One no longer needs to prove today that Imperial Germany collapsed under the attack of Marxist propaganda, and that the Marxist-democratic government in turn was replaced not only because of the National Socialist idea, but also because of National Socialist propaganda. Propaganda is necessary. It is no good if a few inventive minds are told to make it. Like any great art, it has its gifted practitioners who usually found a school and teach it. We must also dispose of the widespread misconception that there is something dishonorable or defective about it. Just as with everything else in life, it depends what it is used for and what its practical results may be. It has nothing to do with advertising. At its best, it lets things and people speak for themselves, and takes care that their proper value is expressed and explained. Good things and great men are their own best propaganda. One must let them speak for themselves. One of the most important characteristics of effective propaganda is that it does not leave anything out, but also does not add anything that is not essential to the subject under discussion. The characteristics of events or personalities should be clearly and strongly and simply expressed in a way that raises them above the confusion of ordinary events, so that they are clear to the broad masses who are to be reached. National Socialism and its leading representatives have not only a natural gift for the matter, but also have worked steadily, untiringly and in close connection to the people to develop and use the most refined and advanced techniques. The Führer himself was our great teacher. It is not widely known that for a long time at the beginning of the party, he held no office other than that of propaganda leader, and that his brilliant mastery of this party office gave the party its real spiritual organization and political stamp. From his very nature and character, as the child of his people that he always was and will remain, he knew how to speak to his people from his heart. This explains the great love and vast reserves of confidence on the part of his followers, and later the entire German people. At first, the people saw him from a distance as a politician and statesman. His human nature was in the background. Today the whole world knows him as the creator of National Socialist teachings and the builder of the National Socialist state, as the pathfinder of a new order for Europe and for peace and prosperity for the nations. People throughout the world, however, often have a rather unclear idea of the compelling and fascinating nature of the man Adolf Hitler. The great simplicity and the simple greatness that flow from his person reach not only every German, but also every foreigner with sure instincts. He is probably the one person in the entire world who is most clearly and deeply rooted in the feelings and thinking of the modern era, and is therefore as no other in the position to give the age its new form. To understand him, one must see him not only as a politician and statesman, but also as a person. That is the purpose of this book. It is a testimony to his personality, written with love and appreciation by his closest aides and oldest fighting comrades. They here give the public a picture of this great man that has hitherto not been available. They all have known the Führer well for many years, and have learned to admire him through daily contact. That is the real value of this book. This book shows the Führer as a human being with regards to all important questions of the day. The German people will be pleased to have the opportunity to see the Führer close up and to get to know him better. It is good that people have the ability to secure this book in an easy and inexpensive way, giving it access to a broad German readership. May it find a happy and successful reception by the German people! Quote:
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August 4th, 2008 | #16 | |
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Adolf Hitler. Bilder aus dem Leben des Führers (Hamburg; Cigaretten Bilderdienst, 1936).
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Our Hitler: A Radio Speech to the German People in Honor of the Führer's Birthday by Joseph Goebbels -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Fellow citizens! Two years ago on 20 April 1933, only three months after Adolf Hitler came to power, I spoke to the German people on the occasion of the Führer's birthday. It was not my goal then, nor is it now, to read out loud a passionate newspaper article. That I shall leave to better stylists. Nor will I praise Adolf Hitler's historic work. I intend today, on the Führer's birthday, the very opposite. I believe it is time to portray to the entire nation the man Hitler, with all the magic of his personality, all the mysterious genius and irresistible power of his personality. There is probably no one left on the planet who does not know him as a statesman and as a remarkable popular leader. Only a few, however, have the pleasure of seeing him as a man each day from close up, to experience him, and as I might add, to come as a result to a deeper understanding and love for him. These few wonder how it is possible that a man who only three years ago was opposed by half of the nation stands today above any doubt and every criticism. Germany has found a unity which will never be shaken. Adolf Hitler is the man of fate, who has the calling to save the nation from terrible internal conflict and shameful foreign disgrace, to lead it to longed-for freedom. That one man has captured the hearts of the whole nation, despite the sometimes difficult and unpopular decisions he had to make, is perhaps the deepest, most amazing secret of our age. It cannot be explained only by his accomplishments, for it is just those who have had to make the heaviest sacrifices for him and for national reconstruction, indeed who must still bring them, who have sensed his mission in the deepest and most joyful way. They are the ones who have the most honest and passionate love for him as Führer and as a man. That is the result of the magic of his personality and the deep mystery of his pure and honest humanity, It is of this humanity, which those who are nearest to him see most clearly, of which I speak today. All genuine humanity is characterized by simplicity and clarity in being and in action. It displays itself in the smallest as well as the greatest matters. The simple clarity that is evident in his political nature is also the dominating principle of his entire life. One cannot imagine him putting on a front. His people would not recognize him were he to do so. His daily meals are the simplest, most modest, imaginable. He dines no differently, whether it is with a small group of friends or at a state banquet. At a recent reception for officials of the Winter Relief program and old party member asked him if he could have an autographed copy of the menu as a souvenir. He paused for a moment and then laughed: "That's fine. The menu stays the same here; anyone is welcome to look it over." Adolf Hitler is one of the few state leaders who avoids medals and decorations. He wears only a single high medal that he earned as a simple personal solider displaying the greatest personal bravery. That is proof of modesty, but also of pride. There is no one worthy to decorate him, other then he himself. Any form of ostentation is foreign to him, but when he represents the state and his people, he does so with impressive and appropriate grace. Behind all that he is and does are the words of the great soldier Schlieffen, who wrote: "Be more than you seem!" His industry and determination in reaching his goal far exceed normal human strength. Several days ago I returned to Berlin at 1 a.m. after several hard days and was ready for sleep, but he wanted a report from me. At 2 a.m. he was still alert, still at work all alone in his home. For two hours he listened to a report on the construction of the national highways, a theme that would seem distant from the great international problems with which he had been occupied the entire day from early in the morning to late at night. Before the last Nuremberg rally, I was his guest for a week in Obersalzburg. The light shone from his window each night until 6 or 7 a.m. He was dictating the great speeches he would give a few days later at the rally. His cabinet approves no law that he has not studied to the smallest detail. His military knowledge is comprehensive; he knows the details of each weapon, each machine gun as well as any specialist. When he gives a speech he knows each detail. His working method is entirely clear. Nothing is further from him than nervousness or hysterical tension. He knows better than anyone else that there are a hundred problems to be solved. He chooses the two or three he finds most central and works on them, undistracted by the remaining ones, for he know that if he solves the great problems, the problems of second or third magnitude will solve themselves. His approach to problems shows both the determination necessary to deal with essentials and the flexibility essential in the choice of methods. He has principles and beliefs, but he knows how to reach them by careful selection of methods and approaches. He has never changed his basic goals. He does today what he determined to do in 1919. But he has always been flexible in the methods he used to realize his goals. When he was offered the vice chancellorship in August 1932, he rejected the offer. He had the feeling that the time was not yet ripe and that the ground offered to him was too small to stand on. But when he was offered a wider door to power on 30 January 1933, he walked courageously through it. It was not the full responsibility he wanted, but he knew that the ground he know stood upon was sufficient to begin the fight for full power. The know-it-alls understood neither decision. Today they must reluctantly grant that he was superior not only in his tactics, but also in the strategic use of the principles in ways they short-sightedly failed to see. Two pictures last summer vividly showed the Führer in all his aloneness. The first showed him greeting the Wehrmacht just after he was forced to bloodily put down the treason and mutiny of 30 June. His face showed the bitterness of the difficult hours he had experienced. The second photograph was of him leaving the house of the dying marshall and Reich president in Neudeck. His expression shows the shadow of pain and sorrow in the face of pitiless death that in a few hours would tear from him his fatherly friend. With almost prophetic foresight to told us in his innermost circle on New Year's Eve that 1934 would be a dangerous year, one which would likely see the death of Hindenburg. Now the inevitable had happened. One thing was plain in his granite face: the pain of an entire nation, a pain that would not descend to mere complaining. The entirely nation not only honors him, it loves him deeply and fervently, for it has the feeling that he belongs to them. He is flesh of its flesh and spirit of its spirit. That shows itself in the smallest aspects of everyday life. It is plain in the camaraderie in the Reich Chancellery between the least SS man and the Führer. When he travels, he sleeps in the same hotel and under the same conditions as everyone else. Is it any wonder that the least of those around him are the most loyal?! They have the instinctive feeling that his is no facade, but rather the result of his inner and obvious spiritual nature. Several weeks ago, 50 young German girls from abroad, who had completed a year of schooling and were now about to return to their suffering home countries, visited the chancellor, hoping to see him for a moment. He invited them all to dinner. For hours they had to tell him of their modest lives. As they were leaving, they suddenly sang the song "If All Become Untrue," and tears flowed from their eyes. In the midst of them stood the man who has become the incarnation of eternal Germany, giving them friendly and good-hearted consolation to encourage them on their difficult journey. He came from the people and remains a part of them. He who negotiated for two 15-hour days at a conference with diplomats of mighty England, who mastered arguments and facts on the great questions of Europe, can speak with complete ease to ordinary people, and can with a comradely "Du" restore the confidence of a fellow war veteran who greets him with a nervous heart after perhaps days of wondering how to greet him and what to say. The weakest approach him with confidence, for they sense that he is their friend and protector. The entire nation loves him, because it feels as safe in his arms as a child in the arms of its mother. This man is a fanatic in his cause. He has sacrificed his personal happiness and private life. He knows nothing other than the work that he does as the truest servant of the Reich. An artist becomes a statesman, and his historic work reveals his remarkable abilities. He needs no external honors; his greatest honor is the enduring permanence of his labors. But we who have the good fortune to be near him each day receive light from his light and want only to be obedient followers behind his flag. Many times he has told the circle of his oldest fellow fighters and closest friends: "It will be terrible when the first of us dies and there is an empty place here that can no longer be filled." May a gracious fate ordain that he live the longest, that for many decades the nation will continue under his leadership along the path to new freedom, greatness and power. That is the honest and passionate wish that the entire German nation lays in thankfulness at his feet. Not only we who stand near him, but the last man in the most distant village, join in saying: "He is now what he always was, and always will be: Our Hitler!" Quote:
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